A unified syntactic analysis of three Spanish wh-complement constructions: head movement and the labeling algorithm
Author ORCID Identifier
0009-0007-6207-5322
Document Type
Paper Presentation
Presenter Language
English
Research Area
Syntax
Location
MBSC Dodge Room 302A
Start Date
18-10-2024 9:30 AM
End Date
18-10-2024 10:00 AM
Abstract
Background: Donati (2006) accounts for the contrast between nominally interpreted free relatives (FRs) and clausal indirect interrogatives (IIs) via labeling and head movement. In FRs, the wh-item moves as a D-head to Spec,C and labels as DP (1a). In IIs, the wh-item undergoes phrasal DP movement and does not project, resulting in a CP (1b). Chomsky (2013), in discussion of the Labeling Algorithm, questions (as does Ott 2011) if Donati’s analysis can be upheld for morphologically complex wh-items in non-English FRs, like [con quien] (2). Are these truly heads that label?
(1) a. Llamé [DP a quien invitó].
b. Pregunté [CP a quién invitó].
(2) Soñé [con quien hablaste].
Spanish also licenses irrealis free relatives (IFRs) (3). A prominent debate surrounds whether IFRs are nominal, like FRs (Plann 1980, Suñer 1984, Ojea 2016), or if they are clausal, like IIs (Caponigro 2003, Grosu 2004, Šimík 2011). IFRs are not discussed in Donati (2006) or Chomsky (2013).
(3) No tengo [a quién invitar].
Goal: I argue these related open questions—(i) how to analyze complex wh-items in Spanish FRs, (ii) the category of Spanish IFRs—can be accounted for within the head movement/labeling approach. Assimilating complex wh-items and IFRs into this analysis provides a unified, Minimalist account for interpretational and distributional differences among wh-complement constructions (FRs/IIs/IFRs) while largely maintaining a uniform internal structure.
Proposal: I propose maintaining Donati’s account of FRs by analyzing complex wh-items as a derived head formed via a head adjunction operation like m(orphological)-merger (Matushansky 2006). In [con quien], P0 and wh-D0 are structurally adjacent, allowing for m-merger to collapse the two heads into one (D0), before movement to C. This is consistent with the syntactic indivisibility of these items and their parallel behavior to non-morphologically complex FRs.
Extending Donati’s diagnostics to IFRs, I argue these wh-items behave as phrasal DPs, resulting in a clausal label and interpretation of the wh-complement. Moreover, I demonstrate how patterns of sluicing, case matching, and obligatory control are consistent with a clausal analysis of IFRs. I end with some further implications regarding additional questions of head/phrase labeling distinctions at intermediate (Spec,vP) wh-positions.
A unified syntactic analysis of three Spanish wh-complement constructions: head movement and the labeling algorithm
MBSC Dodge Room 302A
Background: Donati (2006) accounts for the contrast between nominally interpreted free relatives (FRs) and clausal indirect interrogatives (IIs) via labeling and head movement. In FRs, the wh-item moves as a D-head to Spec,C and labels as DP (1a). In IIs, the wh-item undergoes phrasal DP movement and does not project, resulting in a CP (1b). Chomsky (2013), in discussion of the Labeling Algorithm, questions (as does Ott 2011) if Donati’s analysis can be upheld for morphologically complex wh-items in non-English FRs, like [con quien] (2). Are these truly heads that label?
(1) a. Llamé [DP a quien invitó].
b. Pregunté [CP a quién invitó].
(2) Soñé [con quien hablaste].
Spanish also licenses irrealis free relatives (IFRs) (3). A prominent debate surrounds whether IFRs are nominal, like FRs (Plann 1980, Suñer 1984, Ojea 2016), or if they are clausal, like IIs (Caponigro 2003, Grosu 2004, Šimík 2011). IFRs are not discussed in Donati (2006) or Chomsky (2013).
(3) No tengo [a quién invitar].
Goal: I argue these related open questions—(i) how to analyze complex wh-items in Spanish FRs, (ii) the category of Spanish IFRs—can be accounted for within the head movement/labeling approach. Assimilating complex wh-items and IFRs into this analysis provides a unified, Minimalist account for interpretational and distributional differences among wh-complement constructions (FRs/IIs/IFRs) while largely maintaining a uniform internal structure.
Proposal: I propose maintaining Donati’s account of FRs by analyzing complex wh-items as a derived head formed via a head adjunction operation like m(orphological)-merger (Matushansky 2006). In [con quien], P0 and wh-D0 are structurally adjacent, allowing for m-merger to collapse the two heads into one (D0), before movement to C. This is consistent with the syntactic indivisibility of these items and their parallel behavior to non-morphologically complex FRs.
Extending Donati’s diagnostics to IFRs, I argue these wh-items behave as phrasal DPs, resulting in a clausal label and interpretation of the wh-complement. Moreover, I demonstrate how patterns of sluicing, case matching, and obligatory control are consistent with a clausal analysis of IFRs. I end with some further implications regarding additional questions of head/phrase labeling distinctions at intermediate (Spec,vP) wh-positions.