The role of experience in acquiring code-switching constraints: Acceptability data from L1-English L2-Spanish bilinguals
Document Type
Poster
Location
MBSC Chancellor's Room
Start Date
18-10-2024 2:30 PM
End Date
18-10-2024 3:30 PM
Abstract
Intrasentential code-switching is a natural and common bilingual practice. It is a rule-governed phenomenon that can be constrained syntactically. For example, consider (1-2):
(1) Nosotros hemos visto all of these movies.
‘We have seen all of these movies.’
(2) * Nosotros hemos seen all of these movies.
‘We have seen all of these movies.’
Although it is possible to switch between a lexical verb and its complement (1), it is generally reported that bilinguals reject a switch between the auxiliary verb haber and its participle (2). Such constraints have been established prominently among simultaneous and early sequential bilinguals. Nonetheless, recent studies have looked at whether late second language (L2) bilinguals can acquire the same restrictions (Giancaspro, 2015; Koronkiewicz, 2018; Toribio, 2001), emphasizing the mediating role of L2 proficiency. The present study investigates an additional variable, experience with code-switching, utilizing the Bilingual Code-Switching Profile (BCSP) (Olson, 2022) to assess participant code-switching history, use, proficiency, and attitudes. It tests whether a participant’s composite score on this measure affects their acceptability judgements. In other words, does increased experience with code-switching aid in acquiring its constraints?
L1-English L2-Spanish participants (N=100) completed an acceptability judgment task (AJT) featuring two grammatical constraints regularly established in previous literature: the aforementioned haber restriction (1-2), as well as a restriction on switching subject pronouns. Target stimuli (N=48) were evenly divided between grammatical and ungrammatical conditions, with switches in both directions, and they were randomly presented among filler sentences (N=24). The AJT used a 7-point Likert scale ranging from completely unacceptable (1) to completely acceptable (7). A linear regression model was fitted to examine the relationship between the dependent variable z-score (i.e., standardized acceptability rating) and the fixed factors of condition and BCSP score. There was a significant the interaction (β=-0.003, SE=0.001, t =-3.389, p
Figure 1 (Results)
The role of experience in acquiring code-switching constraints: Acceptability data from L1-English L2-Spanish bilinguals
MBSC Chancellor's Room
Intrasentential code-switching is a natural and common bilingual practice. It is a rule-governed phenomenon that can be constrained syntactically. For example, consider (1-2):
(1) Nosotros hemos visto all of these movies.
‘We have seen all of these movies.’
(2) * Nosotros hemos seen all of these movies.
‘We have seen all of these movies.’
Although it is possible to switch between a lexical verb and its complement (1), it is generally reported that bilinguals reject a switch between the auxiliary verb haber and its participle (2). Such constraints have been established prominently among simultaneous and early sequential bilinguals. Nonetheless, recent studies have looked at whether late second language (L2) bilinguals can acquire the same restrictions (Giancaspro, 2015; Koronkiewicz, 2018; Toribio, 2001), emphasizing the mediating role of L2 proficiency. The present study investigates an additional variable, experience with code-switching, utilizing the Bilingual Code-Switching Profile (BCSP) (Olson, 2022) to assess participant code-switching history, use, proficiency, and attitudes. It tests whether a participant’s composite score on this measure affects their acceptability judgements. In other words, does increased experience with code-switching aid in acquiring its constraints?
L1-English L2-Spanish participants (N=100) completed an acceptability judgment task (AJT) featuring two grammatical constraints regularly established in previous literature: the aforementioned haber restriction (1-2), as well as a restriction on switching subject pronouns. Target stimuli (N=48) were evenly divided between grammatical and ungrammatical conditions, with switches in both directions, and they were randomly presented among filler sentences (N=24). The AJT used a 7-point Likert scale ranging from completely unacceptable (1) to completely acceptable (7). A linear regression model was fitted to examine the relationship between the dependent variable z-score (i.e., standardized acceptability rating) and the fixed factors of condition and BCSP score. There was a significant the interaction (β=-0.003, SE=0.001, t =-3.389, p